Principles and Concepts

Marketing is a combination of four major elements. These are called the 4 P’s of marketing and include (1) identification, selection and development of a product, (2) determination of its price, (3) selection of a distribution channel to reach the customer’s place, and (4) development and implementation of a promotional strategy. Many people incorrectly believe that sales, marketing and advertising are the same. In reality, advertising is just one of many tools used in marketing, which is the process by which firms determine which products to offer, how to price those products, and to whom they should be made available. Sales involve communicating directly with the customer, creating a buying experience and closing the sale, while marketing is the activity, set of institutions, and processes for creating, communicating, delivering and exchanging offerings that have value for customers, clients, partners, and society at large

    Read the following chapters in the assigned text:

    Chapters 1, 2 & 3

    Read: Marketing vs Sales

    Read: The Evolution of Marketing

    Watch the LinkedIn Learning videos: Section 1 – Understanding Sales from the course: Sales Foundations with Jeff Bloomfield

    Watch: Introduction to Marketing

    Read the following and respond:

    The environmental forces are often factors that a business cannot control, yet it is important to be aware of environmental concerns when preparing marketing analysis or introducing a new product in the market. Provide your perspective on this statement.


    • Minimum Page Length – 2 full pages (excluding title/header and reference list); 12-point Times New Roman; double spaced; and page numbering.
    • Be sure to answer the entire question to receive maximum credit for this task.
    • Use and include information from the weekly course content and outside sources to support the conclusions contained in the paper.
    • All sources should be cited in proper APA format (in-text citations and a reference list).

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    Those data were collected from after-experiment questionnaires. The questionnaires try to figure out how students performed according to two types of subtitles (English subtitles and delayed English subtitles).

    There totally 16 participants. In order to analyze the data more clearly, the author divided 5 levels of students’ attention while watching videos.

    The number 5 means students focused on listening or subtitles all the time while watching videos. The number 4 means students focused on listening or subtitles most of the time while watching videos. The number 3 means students focused on listening or subtitles about half the time while watching videos. The number 2 means students had little time focused on listening or subtitles while watching videos. The number 1 means students had rarely time focused on listening or subtitle while watching videos.

    Please use SPSS software to analyze data and answer the following questions:

    1. According to students’ answers in questionnaires, what type of subtitles can help students listening comprehension more?
    2. According to students’ answers in questionnaires, what type of subtitles can help students reading ability more?

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    1. Is your business school well organized? Why or why not?

    2. In what ways is the school’s structure designed to suit the needs of students, faculty, staff, the administration, and the business community?

    3. Consider an organization in which you have worked, draw its organization chart, and describe it using terms in this chapter. How did you like working there, and why?

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    Data Mining Association Analysis: Advanced Concepts Assignment

    • Explain the components and the use of Statistics-based Methods.
    • Explain and provide some Examples of the Formal Definition of a Sequence.
    • List and explain the components of Generalized Sequential Pattern (GSP).
    • What is a Graph Isomorphism? Explain when tests are needed for Graph Isomorphism.

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    Describe 2 websites that are dedicated to unmasking internet hoaxes.

    In your response to your peers, discuss how effective the sites are.

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    This will be a very detailed assignmemt as this is a core nursing class . All instructions attached, please see the details. See RUBRICS scoring guide, shooting for distinguished column. Please see DEMONSTRTION OF PROFICIENCY & PREPARATION to make sure the main areas are addressed.

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    Social media plays a significant role in the lives of nurses in both their professional and personal lives. Additionally, social media is now considered a mainstream part of the process for recruiting and hiring candidates. Inappropriate or unethical conduct on social media can create legal problems for nurses as well as the field of nursing.

    Login to all social media sites in which you engage. Review your profile, pictures and posts. Based on the professional standards of nursing, identify items that would be considered unprofessional and potentially detrimental to your career and that negatively impact the reputation of the nursing field.

    In 500-750 words, summarize the findings of your review. Include the following:

    1. Describe the posts or conversations in which you have engaged that might be considered inappropriate based on the professional standards of nursing.
    2. Discuss why nurses have a responsibility to uphold a standard of conduct consistent with the standards governing the profession of nursing at work and in their personal lives. Include discussion of how personal conduct can violate HIPAA or be considered unethical or unprofessional. Provide an example of each to support your answer.
    3. Based on the analysis of your social media, discuss what areas of your social media activity reflect Christian values as they relate to respecting human value and dignity for all individuals. Describe areas of your social media activity that could be improved.

    Prepare this assignment according to the guidelines found in the APA Style Guide, located in the Student Success Center. An abstract is not required.

    This assignment uses a rubric. Please review the rubric prior to beginning the assignment to become familiar with the expectations for successful completion.

    You are required to submit this assignment to LopesWrite. Refer to the LopesWrite Technical Support articles for assistance.

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    The purpose of this assignment is for you to apply what you learned through the activities and chapter readings. You can reflect on the results from the reading and activities this week to inform your answers.

    Review the Sociology Matters prompt at the end of Ch. 6.

    Write a 700-word response to one bullet at the end of the chapter.


    Chapter 6

    Inequality by Race and Ethnicity

    Inequality by Race and Ethnicity

    The Privileges of the Dominant

    The Social Construction of Race and Ethnicity

    Immigration and New Ethnic Groups

    Sociological Perspectives on Race and Ethnicity

    Patterns of Prejudice and Discrimination

    In 1900, in an address to the Anti-Slavery Union in London, scholar W. E. B. DuBois predicted that “the color line” would become the foremost problem of the 20th century. DuBois, born a free Black man in 1868, had witnessed prejudice and discrimination throughout the United States. His comment was prophetic. Today, over a century later, race and ethnicity still carry enormous weight in the United States (DuBois [1900] 1969).

    The color line has blurred significantly since 1900, however. Interracial marriage is no longer forbidden by law and custom. Thus, Geetha Lakshmi-narayanan, a native of Ann Arbor, Michigan, is both White and Asian Indian. Often mistaken for a Filipina or Latina, she has grown accustomed to the blunt question “What are you?” (Navarro 2005). Public figures, rather than hide their mixed ancestry, now flaunt it. Singer Mariah Carey celebrates her Irish American background, and Barack Obama speaks of being born in Hawai’i to a Kenyan father and a White mother from Kansas.

    Today, the color line is drawn more clearly between the young and the old. In 2011, for the first time, more non-White and Hispanic babies were born in the United States than White babies. In a nation founded


    by White Europeans, who struggled for over two centuries to maintain their dominance over tribal peoples, slaves, immigrants, and acquired territories like Hawai’i and Alaska, this was a demographic milestone. Although the U.S. population as a whole remains predominantly White, the trend is clearly toward a “majority minority.” That is, as the babies born beginning in 2011 mature, the demographic pattern that we see today in hospital nurseries will gradually move through the nation’s schools and into the labor force. At some point in the future, the nation’s minority racial and ethnic groups, taken together, will grow to more than 50 percent of the total population.

    The composition of the nation’s minority population is changing as well. Only among adults over age 50 are African Americans still the largest minority group in the United States. Among younger Americans, including newborns, Latinos are now the largest minority group. This change is visible not just in large cities but in rural areas as well.

    These demographic changes have not made the lives of racial and ethnic minorities any easier. Clearly, race and ethnicity still matter in the United States. On a collective level, our racial biases underlie the societal prejudice that members of some ethnic and racial groups encounter every day. In this chapter we will see how the ascribed characteristics of race and ethnicity create social privilege for some and discrimination for others. We will see that race and ethnicity are socially constructed concepts rather than genetically determined traits. Though functionalists, conflict theorists, labeling theorists, and interactionists have offered different explanations for the unequal treatment of Whites and Blacks, all agree that prejudice and discrimination are real, on both an individual and an institutional level.

    The Privileges of the Dominant

    One aspect of discrimination that is often overlooked is the privileges that dominant groups enjoy at the expense of others. For instance, we tend to focus more on the difficulty women have getting ahead at work and getting a hand at home than on the ease with which men avoid household chores and manage to make their way in the world. Similarly, we concentrate more on discrimination against racial and ethnic minorities than on the advantages members of the White majority enjoy. Indeed, most White people rarely think about their “Whiteness,” taking their status for granted.

    Sociologists and other social scientists are becoming increasingly interested in what it means to be “White,” for White privilege is the other side of the proverbial coin of racial discrimination. In this context, White privilege refers to rights or immunities granted to people as a particular benefit or favor simply because they are White (Ferber and Kimmel 2008).


    This view of Whiteness as a privilege echoes an observation by W. E. B. DuBois. Rather than wanting fair working conditions for all laborers, DuBois wrote, White workers had accepted the “public and psychological wage” of Whiteness ([1935] 1962:700).

    The feminist scholar Peggy McIntosh (1988) became interested in White privilege after noticing that most men would not acknowledge that there were privileges attached to being male—even if they would agree that being female had its disadvantages. Did White people suffer from a similar blind spot regarding their own racial privilege? she wondered. Intrigued, McIntosh began to list all the ways in which she benefited from her Whiteness. She soon realized that the list of unspoken advantages was long and significant.

    McIntosh found that as a White person, she rarely needed to step out of her comfort zone, no matter where she went. If she wished to, she could spend most of her time with people of her own race. She could find a good place to live in a pleasant neighborhood and get the foods she liked to eat in almost any grocery store. She could attend a public meeting without feeling that she did not belong, that she was different from everyone else.

    McIntosh discovered, too, that her skin color opened doors for her. She could cash checks and use credit cards without suspicion, browse through stores without being shadowed by security guards. She could be seated without difficulty in a restaurant. If she asked to see the manager, she could assume he or she would be of her own race. If she needed help from a doctor or a lawyer, she could get it.

    use your

    How often do you think people are privileged because of their race or ethnicity? How about yourself—how often are you privileged?

    McIntosh also realized that her Whiteness made the job of parenting easier. She did not need to worry about protecting her children from people who did not like them. She could be sure that their textbooks would show pictures of people who looked like them, and that their history texts would describe White people’s achievements. She knew that the television programs they watched would include White characters.

    Finally, McIntosh had to admit that others did not constantly evaluate her in racial terms. When she appeared in public, she didn’t need to worry that her clothing or behavior might reflect poorly on White people. If she was recognized for an achievement, it was seen as her achievement, not that of an entire race. And no one ever assumed that the personal opinions she voiced should be those of all White people. Because McIntosh blended in with the people around her, she wasn’t always onstage.

    These are only some of the privileges McIntosh found she took for granted as a result of her membership in the dominant racial group in the United States. Whiteness does carry privileges—to a much greater extent than most White people realize. In the following section we will examine the social construction of race and ethnicity—abstract concepts that have enormous practical consequences for millions of people throughout the world (Fitzgerald 2008; Picca and Feagin 2007).


    The Social Construction of Race and Ethnicity

    Racial definitions are crystallized through what Michael Omi and Howard Winant (1994) have called racial formation, a sociohistorical process in which racial categories are created, inhibited, transformed, and destroyed. In this process, those who have power define groups of people according to a racist social structure. The creation of a reservation system for Native Americans in the late 1800s is one example of racial formation. Federal officials combined what were distinctive tribes into a single racial group, which we refer to today as Native Americans. The extent and frequency to which peoples are subject to racial formation is such that no one escapes it.

    Another example of racial formation from the 1800s was known as the “one-drop rule.” If a person had even a single drop of “Black blood,” that person was defined and viewed as Black, even if he or she appeared to be White. Clearly, race had social significance, enough so that White legislators established official standards about who was “Black” and who was “White.”

    The one-drop rule was a vivid example of the social construction of race—the process by which people come to define a group as a race based in part on physical characteristics, but also on historical, cultural, and economic factors. For example, in the 1800s, immigrant groups such as Italian and Irish Americans were not at first seen as being “White,” but as foreigners who were not necessarily trustworthy. The social construction of race is an ongoing process that is subject to debate, especially in a diverse society such as the United States, where each year increasing numbers of children are born to parents of different racial backgrounds.

    In the late 20th century, with immigration from Latin America rising, the fluid nature of racial formation became evident. Suddenly, people were speaking about the “Latin Americanization” of the United States, or about a biracial, Black–White society being replaced by a triracial one. In the 2010 census, over 9 million people in the United States (or about 2.9 percent of the population) reported that they were of two or more races. Half the people classified as multiracial were under age 18, suggesting that this segment of the population will grow in the years to come. People who claimed both White and American Indian ancestry were the largest group of multiracial residents (Bonilla-Silva 2004; Humes et al. 2011).

    This statistical finding of millions of multiracial people obscures how individuals handle their identity. The prevailing social construction of race pushes people to choose just one race, even if they acknowledge a broader cultural background. Still, many individuals, especially young adults, struggle against social pressure to choose a single identity and instead openly embrace multiple heritages.

    Ethnicity, too, is subject to social construction. Which ethnic groups are White, for instance? Do we consider Turkish and Arab Americans to be White? We have seen that in the 1800s, Irish and Italian Americans


    were viewed as non-White and treated as such. But gradually, as other ethnic groups came to see them as White, Irish and Italian Americans became accepted members of mainstream society.

    Social construction of race and ethnicity occurs throughout the world, as people in virtually all societies define their positions in the social hierarchy in terms of race, ethnicity, and nationality. Thus, a dominant or majority group has the power not only to define itself legally but to define a society’s values. Sociologist William I. Thomas (1923), an early critic of theories of racial and gender differences, wrote that the “definition of the situation” could even mold the individual personality. To put it another way, people respond not only to the objective features of a situation or person but also to the meaning that situation or person has for them. In this way, we can create false images or stereotypes that become real in their consequences. Stereotypes are unreliable generalizations about all members of a group that do not recognize individual differences within the group.

    How do sociologists today conceive of race and ethnicity? Sociologists frequently distinguish between racial and ethnic groups. The term racial group is used to describe a group that is set apart from others because of obvious physical differences. Whites, African Americans, and Asian Americans are all considered racial groups in the United States. While race does turn on physical differences, it is the culture of a particular society that constructs and attaches social significance to those differences, as we will see later. Unlike racial groups, an ethnic group is set apart from others primarily because of its national origin or distinctive cultural patterns. In the United States, Puerto Ricans, Jews, and Polish Americans are all categorized as ethnic groups (see Table 6–1).

    use your

    Using a TV remote control, how quickly do you think you could find a television show in which all the characters share your own racial or ethnic background? What about a show in which all the characters share a different racial or ethnic background from your own—how quickly could you find one?


    The term racial group refers to those minorities (and the corresponding dominant groups) set apart from others by obvious physical differences. But what is an “obvious” physical difference? Each society determines which differences are important, while ignoring other characteristics that could serve as a basis for social differentiation. In the United States, we see differences in both skin color and hair color. Yet people learn informally that differences in skin color have a dramatic social and political meaning, while differences in hair color do not.

    When observing skin color, people in the United States tend to lump others rather casually into such categories as “Black,” “White,” and “Asian.” More subtle differences in skin color often go unnoticed. However, such is not the case in other societies. In many nations of Central America and South America, people distinguish among color gradients on a continuum from light to dark skin. Brazil has approximately 40 color groupings, while in other countries people may be described as “Mestizo Hondurans,” “Mulatto Colombians,” or “African Panamanians.” What we see as “obvious” differences, then, is subject to each society’s social definitions.


    Table 6–1 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the United States, 2015


    Number in Thousands

    Percentage of Total Population

    Racial groups

     Whites (non-Hispanic)



     Blacks/African Americans



     Native Americans, Alaskan Natives



    Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders






    Asian Indians















    Pacific Islanders, Native Hawaiians



    Other Asian Americans



    Arab Americans



    Two or more races



    Ethnic groups

    White ancestry
















    Scottish and Scots-Irish









    Hispanics (or Latinos)



    Mexican Americans



    Puerto Ricans


















    Other Hispanics



    Total (All groups)


    NOTE: Arab American population excluded from White total. All data are for 2015. Percentages do not total 100 percent, and when subcategories are added, they do not match totals in major categories because of overlap between groups (e.g., Polish American Jews or people of mixed ancestry such as Irish and Italian).

    SOURCE: American Community Survey 2016a: Tables B02001, B02018, B03001, B03001, B04006; Steinhardt Social Research Institute 2016.


    U.S. Population by Race and Ethnicity, 1900–2060 (Projected)

    Figure 6–1
    U.S. Population by Race and Ethnicity, 1900–2060 (Projected)

    According to projections by the Census Bureau, the proportion of U.S. residents who are White and non-Hispanic will decrease significantly by the year 2060. By contrast, the proportion of both Hispanic Americans and Asian Americans will rise significantly.

    SOURCES OF DATA: Bureau of the Census 2004a; Colby and Ortman 2015:9.

    The largest racial minorities in the United States are African Americans (or Blacks), Native Americans (or American Indians), and Asian Americans (Japanese Americans, Chinese Americans, and other Asian peoples). Figure 6–1 provides information about the changing population of racial and ethnic groups in the United States over the past century. It suggests that the racial and ethnic composition of the U.S. population will change as much in the next 40 years as it has in the last 100.


    An ethnic group, unlike a racial group, is set apart from others because of its national origin or distinctive cultural patterns. Among the ethnic groups in the United States are peoples with a Spanish-speaking background, referred to collectively as Latinos or Hispanics, such as Puerto Ricans, Mexican Americans, Cuban Americans, and other Latin Americans. Other ethnic groups in this country include Jewish, Irish, Italian, and Norwegian Americans. While these groupings are convenient, they serve to obscure differences within these ethnic categories (as in the case of Hispanics) as well as to overlook the mixed ancestry of so many ethnic people in the United States.

    The distinction between racial and ethnic groups is not always clear-cut. Some members of racial groups, such as Asian Americans, may have significant cultural differences from other groups. At the same time, certain ethnic groups, such as Latinos, may have obvious physical differences that set them apart from other residents of the United States.

    Despite categorization problems, sociologists continue to feel that the distinction between racial groups and ethnic groups is socially significant. In most societies, including the United States, socially constructed physical differences tend to be more visible than ethnic differences. Partly as a result of this fact, stratification along racial lines is more resistant to change than stratification along ethnic lines. Over time, members of an ethnic minority


    can sometimes become indistinguishable from the majority—although the process may take generations and may never include all members of the group. In contrast, members of a racial minority find it much more difficult to blend in with the larger society and gain acceptance from the majority.


    A significant segment of the population of the United States is made up of White ethnics whose ancestors arrived from Europe within the last 160 years. The nation’s White ethnic population includes about 46 million people who claim at least partial German ancestry, 33 million Irish Americans, 17 million Italian Americans, and 9 million Polish Americans, as well as immigrants from other European nations (see Table 6–1). Some of these people continue to live in close-knit ethnic neighborhoods, while others have largely assimilated and left the “old ways” behind.

    Many White ethnics today identify only sporadically with their heritage. Symbolic ethnicity refers to an emphasis on such concerns as ethnic food or political issues rather than on deeper ties to one’s ethnic heritage. This identity is reflected in the occasional family trip to an ethnic bakery, in the celebration of a ceremonial event such as St. Joseph’s Day among Italian Americans, or among Irish Americans, concern about the future of Northern Ireland. Except in cases in which new immigration reinforces old traditions, symbolic ethnicity tends to decline with each passing generation (Alba 1990; Winter 2008).


    The contemporary diversity of the United States is not accidental, but reflects centuries of immigration. The United States has long had policies to determine who has preference to enter the country. Often, clear racial and ethnic biases are built into these policies. In the 1920s, U.S. policy gave preference to people from western Europe, while making it difficult for residents of southern and eastern Europe, Asia, and Africa to enter the country. During the late 1930s and early 1940s, the federal government refused to lift or loosen restrictive immigration quotas to allow Jewish refugees to escape the terror of the Nazi regime. In line with this policy, the S.S. St. Louis, with more than 900 Jewish refugees on board, was denied permission to land in the United States in 1939. The ship was forced to sail back to Europe, where at least a few hundred of its passengers later died at the hands of the Nazis (Morse 1967; G. Thomas and Witts 1974).

    Since the 1960s, policies in the United States have encouraged the immigration of people who have relatives here as well as of those who have needed skills. This change has significantly altered the pattern of sending nations. Previously, Europeans dominated, but for the last 40 years, immigrants have come primarily from Latin America and Asia


    Legal Immigration to the United States, 1820–2020

    Figure 6–2
    Legal Immigration to the United States, 1820–2020

    SOURCE OF DATA: Office of Immigration Statistics 2016.

    (see Figure 6–2). This means that in the future, an ever-growing proportion of the United States will be Asian or Hispanic. To a large degree, fear and resentment of this growing racial and ethnic diversity is a key factor in opposition to immigration. Many people are very concerned that the new arrivals do not reflect the nation’s cultural and racial heritage.

    The source countries of immigrants have changed. First, settlers came from Europe, then Latin America, and now, increasingly, Asia. Europeans were the dominant immigrant group through the 1950s. However, the majority of today’s 41.7 million foreign-born people are from Latin America. Primarily, they are from Central America and, more specifically, Mexico (although Mexico is sometimes considered a part of North America). By contrast, Europeans, who dominated the early settlement of the United States, now account for fewer than one in seven of the foreign-born. The changing patterns of immigration have continued into the 21st century. Beginning in 2010, the annual immigration from Asia exceeded the level of annual immigration from Latin America for the first time.

    The most bitterly debated aspect of U.S. immigration policy has been the control of illegal or undocumented immigrants. These immigrants and their families usually come to the United States in search of higher-paying jobs than their home countries can provide. Because by definition illegal immigrants are in the country illegally, the exact number of these undocumented or unauthorized workers is subject to estimates and disputes. Based on the best available information, in late 2016 more than 11.1 million


    illegal or unauthorized immigrants lived in the United States. This compares with about 3.5 million in 1990 and a peak of 12.2 million in 2007. When employment opportunities dried up during the Great Recession that began in 2008, significantly fewer people tried to enter illegally, and many unauthorized immigrants returned to their countries (Krogstad 2016).


    Despite people’s fears about it, immigration performs many valuable functions. For the receiving society, it alleviates labor shortages, such as exist in the fields of health care and technology in the United States. In 1998 Congress debated not whether individuals with technological skills should be allowed into the country, but just how much to increase the annual quota. For the sending nation, migration can relieve economies unable to support large numbers of people.

    Remittances, or the monies that immigrants send home to their countries of origin, are significant. They result in the outflow of hundreds of millions of dollars from the United States to other countries, where they provide substantial support for families and even venture capital for new businesses. Immigrants in the United States send about $56 billion to their home countries annually, and worldwide remittances total about $582 billion annually, easily surpassing all other forms of foreign aid. This cash inflow is integral to the economies of many nations, but it can also fluctuate dramatically during times of economic stress. During the Great Recession that began in 2008, low-skilled immigrants (legal or illegal) took the hardest hit, and as a result, remittances immediately declined (Connor 2016;

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